Author: admin

  • If you want love, do not make war

    Love and war seem incompatible, at least for Greek women

    There is no doubt that it is more healthy and profitable to make love than war! But unfortunately wars are very usual and as old as man. Against the war there is only the peace, but all too often it has been stated and imposed the uncritical and forceful opinion that encloses the Latin sentence "si  vis pacem, para bellum = If you want the peace, prepare the war". If someone prepares the war, he will end declaring it to his adversary.

    Countless agreements, meetings and conferences have been held in the history against the war and all of them with little success. No doubt the most consistent anti-war movements are pacifist proposals, some very old. Possibly the most striking pacifist tactic is the one called "sex strike" by which organized women refuse every sexual contact with their male partners, main characters and  cause of war clashes, male warriors for whom they serve as a rest.

    In recent times we have seen some strikes of this type, which have obtained undoubted successes. So in Liberia, in 2003, Leymah Gbowee managed to make peace after a civil war of over 14 years and among the tactics or techniques that she and the women of her association used was the "sex strike". In 2009 the media reported us about similar strikes in Kenya or in Turkey, in this case to force their husbands to take seriously the water supply. In Colombia on various occasions, women have tried to end men´s violence with this peaceful method. Even in the European Belgium of the year 2011 the Flemish socialist senator Marleen Temmeran proposed a sex strike to pressure men to form a government (the various Belgium had been 241 days without the consent of the political forces).

    But here again, the Greeks were pioneers and led the way. In Ancient Greece it took place the long Peloponnesian War, which pitted for nearly 30 years the two most powerful cities or polis, Athens and Sparta, each one with its allies. In the year 411 BC they had already had twenty years of war and destruction and ruin were general. Aristophanes, whose comedies portray and prosecute the society of his time, represented a piece against this war between Greeks, Lysistrata. The name itself means "the one who dissolves the army" (from  λύω, lýō,,“dissolve”  and  στρατός, stratós, “army”).

    Women in Greece had little importance in political and social life, but Aristophanes shows us, with comic exaggeration, a kind of upside down world, where women, who are more sensible than men, can achieve the peace and finish with the struggles that face their husbands and lovers using a peaceful weapon they have. The Athenian Lysistrata proposes to her Athenian and Lacedaemonian fellows to declare a "sex strike" in which they refuse to have sex with their husbands and stop dealing with household chores while the war continues.

    The whole work is peppered with lexical references, puns and sexual metaphors of healthy humor. Lysistrata's plan, that other women accept, is very simple:


    LYSISTRATA:
    By the two Goddesses, now can't you see
    All we have to do is idly sit indoors
    With smooth roses powdered on our cheeks,
    Our bodies burning naked through the folds
    Of shining Amorgos' silk, and meet the men
    With our dear Venus-plats plucked trim and neat.
    Their stirring love will rise up furiously,
    They'll beg our arms to open. That's our time!
    We'll disregard their knocking, beat them off–
    And they will soon be rabid for a Peace.
    I'm sure of it

    According to Lysistrata´s proposal, Athenian and Lacedaemonian made a serious oath in front of a bowl of sweet wine:

    LYSISTRATA:    So, grasp the brim, you, Lampito, and all.
      You, Calonice, repeat for the rest
      Each word I say. Then you must all take oath
      And pledge your arms to the same stern conditions–

    LYSISTRATA:   To husband or lover I'll not open arms
    CALONICE:   To husband or lover I'll not open arms
    LYSISTRATA:   Though love and denial may enlarge his charms.
    CALONICE:   Though love and denial may enlarge his charms.
       O, O, my knees are failing me, Lysistrata!

    LYSISTRATA:   But still at home, ignoring him, I'll stay,
    CALONICE:   But still at home, ignoring him, I'll stay,
    LYSISTRATA:   Beautiful, clad in saffron silks all day.
    CALONICE:   Beautiful, clad in saffron silks all day.
    LYSISTRATA:   If then he seizes me by dint of force,
    CALONICE:   If then he seizes me by dint of force,
    LYSISTRATA:   I'll give him reason for a long remorse.
    CALONICE:   I'll give him reason for a long remorse.
    LYSISTRATA:   I'll never lie and stare up at the ceiling,
    CALONICE:    I'll never lie and stare up at the ceiling,
    LYSISTRATA:    Nor like a lion on all fours go kneeling.
    CALONICE:   Nor like a lion on all fours go kneeling.
    LYSISTRATA:   If I keep faith, then bounteous cups be mine.
    CALONICE:   If I keep faith, then bounteous cups be mine.
    LYSISTRATA:   If not, to nauseous water change this wine.
    CALONICE:   If not, to nauseous water change this wine.
    LYSISTRATA:   Do you all swear to this?
    MYRRHINE:   We do, we do.
                                (Translated by Jack Lindsay)

    And so it happened (only in the fiction of the theater), as Lysistrata had planned, but not without having to get over first with many difficulties this idea caused, even for women themselves.

    Aristophanes has not been forgotten: in 2003 the Lysistrata Project was created in favor of peace and Aristophanes's famous work was read simultaneously in more than 40 countries. Once again the most alive and authentic theater is it that serves to the society.
     

  • Mare clausum (the sea is closed)

    We are witnessing these days of autumn inhumane spectacle of dozens, hundreds of shipwrecked, Subsharian generally, on European shores of the Mediterranean. Attracted by the European welfare, these people are thrown into a sea always dangerous to reach the coast of an alleged near paradise.

    But the sea is always more dangerous if it is approached by small boats or  old and ruined ships. The Mediterranean,  the sea between the lands, the Mare Nostrum (Our Sea) of the Romans always was the scene of shipwrecks (from Latin navis, ship, and fragium  and this from frango, fractum, rupture, fracture), especially in the winter months. Between 12 November and March it is not sailed in antiquity to prevent winter storms; that explains in part why it is in the previous weeks in which are produced the greatest humanitarian disasters, later the crossing is more difficult.

    It was said  “the sea is closed", "mare clausum." Now the term is used in legal language to indicate that a country closes  its jurisdictional waters to general traffic, in a similar way as the airspace is closed for keep others flying it.

    Petronius reflects in his Satyricon in a few verses the tragedy of a shipwreck . It is true that he does it in another  less embarrassing context than the current lack of human solidarity and in the midst of some jokes and comic situations typical of his "satirical" work, but locates it in the same geographical setting of Sicily or southern Italy. Excusing  the license to abstract the text from its context and maintaining the expression of the feeling of pain at a human misfortune ,  I present these text to help readers to understand the absolute helplessness of those who suffer a shipwreck away from loved ones.

    Naturally  the text does not reflect the superimposed pain of trying to reach a foreign country as a lifeline future for him and his family and meet the cold and inhuman rejection, if he reaches the coast, or with the mere death in the attempt if he does not reach it. 

    "mare clausum", "the closed sea" by storms in antiquity, is now closed for many unfortunate by the iniquity of inhumane laws. But these are the laws, then as now, of the powerful countries and of a global economic system that underlies the welfare of ones in the exploitation and neglect of others. A similar difference separated the Roman citizen (civis Romanus), who enjoyed all the rights, from the rest of the people  of the Empire. But I will talk about it another time.

    Petronius, Satyricon, 114, 1-4 / 6-7 / 12-13 /

    We were still discussing this and other matters when the sea grew rough,and clouds, gathering from every quarter, obscured with darkness the light of day.  The panic-stricken sailors ran to their stations and took in sail before the squall was upon them, but the gale did not drive the waves in any one direction and the helmsman lost his bearings and did not know what course to steer. At one moment the wind would set towards Sicily, but the next, the North Wind, prevailing on the Italian coast, would drive the unlucky vessel hither and yon; and, what was more dangerous than all the rain-squalls, a pall of such black density blotted out the light that the helmsman could not even see as far forward as the bow.
    …….
    He was still shouting when a windsquall swept him into the sea; the raging elements whirled him around and around in a terrible maelstrom and sucked him down.  Tryphaena, on the other hand, was seized by her faithful servants, placed in a skiff, along with the greater part of her belongings, and saved from certain death.
    ……..
    I submit to this last bond and, as though I were laid out upon my death-bed, await an end no longer dreaded. Meanwhile, accomplishing the decrees of the Fates, the storm stripped the ship of all that was left; no mast, no helm, not a rope nor an oar remained on board her; she was only a derelict, heavy and water-logged, drifting before the waves.

    Petronius, Satyricon  115,  6-10
    When this job had at last been completed, we came, wet and wretched, to a fisherman's hut and refreshed ourselves somewhat with stores from the wreck, spoiled though they were by salt water, and passed a night that was almost interminable.  As we were holding a council, next day, to determine to what part of the country we had best proceed, I suddenly caught sight of a human body, turning around in a gentle eddy and floating towards the shore.  Stricken with melancholy, I stood still and began to brood, with wet eyes, upon the treachery of the sea.  "And perhaps," said I, "a wife, safe in some far-away country of the earth, awaits this man, or a son who little dreams of storms or wrecks; or perhaps he left behind a father, whom he kissed good-by at parting!  (
    Translation by W. C. Firebaugh)

    Petronius, Satyricon, 114, 1-4 / 6-7 / 12-13 /

    Dum haec taliaque iactamus, inhorruit mare nubesque undique adductae obruere tenebris diem. Discurrunt nautae  ad officia trepidantes uelaque tempestati subducunt.  Sed nec certus fluctus uentus impulerat, nec quo destinaret cursum gubernator sciebat. Siciliam modo uentus dabat, saepissime Italici litoris aquilo possessor conuertebat huc illuc obnoxiam ratem, et quod omnibus procellis periculosius erat, tam spissae repente tenebrae lucem suppresserant, ut ne proram quidem  totam gubernator uideret.

    Et illum quidem uociferantem in mare uentus excussit, repetitumque infesta gurgite procella circumegit atque hausit. Tryphaenam autem prope iam… fidelissimi rapuerunt serui, scaphaeque impositam cum maxima sarcinarum parte abduxere certissimae morti


    ……
    Patior ego uinculum extremum, et ueluti lecto funebri  aptatus expecto mortem iam non molestam. Peragit interim tempestas mandata fatorum, omnesque reliquias nauis expugnat. Non arbor erat relicta, non gubernacula, non funis aut remus, sed quasi rudis atque infecta materies ibat cum fluctibus.
    ……………..
    Petronius, Satyricon  115,  6-10
    Hoc opere tandem elaborato casam piscatoriam subimus maerentes, cibisque naufragio curruptis utcumque curati tristissimam exegimus noctem. Postero die, cum poneremus consilium cui nos regioni crederemus, repente uideo corpus  humanum circumactum leui uortice ad litus deferri. Substiti ergo tristis coepique umentibus oculis maris fidem inspicere et: «Hunc forsitan», proclamo, «in aliqua parte terrarum secura expectat uxor, forsitan ignarus tempestatis filius, aut pater; utique reliquit aliquem, cui proficiscens osculum dedit.

  • The fascinating source of the word “fascinating”

    Sometimes we are “fascinated”, attracted, impressed, or touched (touché in French) to find out the origin of a word, as if as we removed the curtain we could look at what was behind or buried in the deepest part of valley. That is the strength of the etymology of the words, the knowledge of which provides us basic information on which their later extended meaning sits.

    Well, "to fascinate", according to the Dictionary of the Royal Academy of the Spanish Language, derives from the Latin "fascinare" and has three meanings: 1. Deceive, to hallucinate, obfuscate. / 2. Attract irresistibly / 3. Make evil eye.

    "Fascinare" in Latin means: cause or make evil eye, hex, enchant, bewitch. For Pliny the "fascinating men" are medicine-men, sorcerers. "Fascinatio" is the action to fascinate, to bewitch, it´s the fascination, enchantment, spell, charm.

    Catullus used the term “fascinare” this way or with this meaning in his Poems 7, 12:

    (so many kisses) that neither the curious people can count
    or hex with their bad language.

    (basia) quae nec pernumerare curiosi
    possint nec mala fascinare lingua.

    Or Virgil in his Eclogue 3,103:

    I do not know what eye hexes my tender lambs.

    Nescio quis teneros oculus  mihi fascinat agnos.

    So it's easy to understand the first meaning of our dictionary, which does not really match with the Latin meaning, although it does derive from it.

    Well, "fascinare" is an action verb formed from the word "fascinum or fascinus" that means "charm, hex, spell”. The Latin term would correspond to the Greek βάσκανον "baskanon", according to Aulus Gellius 16, 12, 4:

    So Cloatius Verus calls it "fascinum" like "bascanum" and "fascinare" is like "bascinare".

    (Cloatius Verus) Item fascinum appellatum quasi “bascanum” et “fascinare” esse quasi “bascinare”

    βάσκανον "baskanon” means fascinator, sorcerer, envious person, snoop, slanderer, malicious person.

    But it also means male member, penis, phallus, although the Latin people have another term (among many other terms of figurative or metaphorical sense that I may explain at another time) to name the phallus, penis or male member: mentula, so "fascinus" seems to refer more to the erect member.

    It is used in this sense by Horace in Epodes, 8, 15-20

    quid? quod libelli Stoici inter Sericos
    iacere puluillos amant,
    inlitterati num minus nerui rigent
    minusue languet fascinum?
    quod ut superbo prouoces ab inguine,
    ore adlaborandum est tibi.

    So what? Because the booklets of the stoics
    like to rest on silken cushions,
    have the muscles of the illiterate men less force
    or have they got less languid members?
    If you want to make it come out from my proud crotch,
    you have to work it with the mouth.

    Porphyry in his "Ad Horatii epodon 8, 18" explains why Horace used this term:

    "(…) he put "fascinum" instead of virile part because the deformity of the male member is usually placed among the things that can fascinate us"

    “fascinum pro virili parte posuit, quoniam praefascinandis rebus haec membri deformitas apponi solet

    Arnobius, after his conversion to Christianity, pokes fun at the pagan gods and so uses the term "fascinus" with this same meaning in his Adversus nationes libri VII, 4, 7

    And does Tutunus also exist, on whose huge private parts and horrent male member you want your matrons to ride and consider it as a propitious sign?

    etiamne Tutunus, cuius inmanibus pudendis horrentique fascino uestras inequitare matronas et auspicabile ducitis » et optatis ?

    Fascinus is even the name of the patron god who was worshiped by the Vestal Virgins against the evil eye and envy, and so it is used, for example, by Pliny in Naturalis Historia, XXVIII, 7, passage which also tells us that a symbol of him stood below the victorious general´s truck to prevent him from “fascination”.

    Maybe I will write about the phallus as a divinity and about its worship at another time.

    Well, at this point the obvious and required question is what will have to see the so-called penis or male member with fascination, spells, evil eye?

    Both things must have to see something and not only linguistically, because a well-established custom among the Romans is to place a small necklace with a phallus shape around children´s neck, or to hang tintinabula or bells on the doors of the houses with phalluses, or to place phalluses, engraved or carved at the entrance of the houses or other places, or to decorate lamps, chandeliers and other objects with them. We already saw on another occasion how Hermes or Terminus, the messenger of the gods, was figured with a pillar with god's head and well marked genitals or phallus.

    This topic is very widely documented in texts and in the numerous archaeological remains. Por example, Varro tells us in his "De lingua latina" VII, 97:

    "Or can (come) from the custom of hanging certain obscene objects around the children´s necks to keep them safe from anything bad that could happen to them …"

    Potest vel ab eo quod pueris turpicula res in collo quaedam suspenditur, ne quid obsit…

    That is, it is a phallus-shaped amulet that is worn to ward off the evil eye, the spell, the enchantment. This function is called technically "apotropaic" (which comes from the Greek ἀποτρέπω apotrépō, “keep away", keep off, get out), of ἀπό (apó, "away, out", “far”) and τρέπω (trépō, "turn, spin"), word that literally means "averting", in this case of evils and calamities. So apotropaic magic ( from Greek apotrepein , to ward off: apo – , away + trepein , to turn ) is a type of magic intended to " turn away" harm or evil influences, as in deflecting misfortune or averting the evil eye .

    Fascinum is then the phallus-shaped amulet that children wear around the neck to avoid the evil eye. Nowadays it is relatively common to find people with such hanging on the neck, in some cases as mere decoration but in many others also because of persisting an ancient superstition. About the "evil eye" we will discuss at another time, because besides the phallus there are other apotropaic instruments and methods too, such as spitting three times to the ground.

    But the really difficult issue is to understand why the phallus and its representation have apotropaic value and ability to prevent the evil eye.

    Traditionally, in the few and timid studies that the prevailing morality allowed, it was interpreted that the phallus was a symbol of fertility and abundance of goods and therefore the opposite of the curse. 

    It was also interpreted that it avoided the evil eye because the vision of the penis, which is considered obscene, forced to look away, so the evil eye turned out impossible to be made if the eye focuses elsewhere.

    But Pascal Quignard, contemporary French author, in his book "Sex and fright",  in which he makes an unhibited interpretation of the rigid Roman sexuality, opposed to the cheerful Greek sexuality, dives into the deepest part of men´s psychology and offers a more suggestive and deep explanation about it but it´s also a more difficult one to be understood: the man is the result of a generative act in which he was not present and that causes him an enormous curiosity and restlessness ; the vision of the sexual act or copulation or the vision of the fascinum ( erect penis ) paralyzes the man, fascinates, attracts and bewitches him, stops his gaze; the vision of the direct representation of the human intercourse always generates for humans an extreme thrill seeking from which we defend ourselves with horror …..

    Quignard relates the fascinum to the spicy and obscene “fescennine” verses that were sung at weddings, whose role or function would be similar to that already described and to the " fascia " or band that Roman women used as bra to support their breasts; and he also relates it to " fasces " or bundle of sticks tied with a red belt (from where incidentally comes the word "fascism”).

    The fear that produces the vision of the “fascinum " or intercourse is what explains, according Quignard, that in the Pompeian paintings women maintain the look oblique , lateral, avoiding the direct view of the incomprehensible scene of the animal generation.

    If the main function is to prevent the " evil eye" in terms of the "fascination" that the   "fascinum" causes, it should be mentioned that the evil eye consists precisely on “in- videre” (from in-, against , videre , see ) "envy", "throw the look against" someone.

    And on this lies precisely the envy or "in-videre”, which consist on accumulate all the evil you want for someone inside and express it through the more clearly door of the soul, the eyes, through the look. Forcing someone to look away is to prevent him or her from "envying” us or looking bad at us.

    Deep psychology also helps us to understand ancient myths and rituals, already incomprehensible to the ancients themselves that sometimes seek rational explanations, and absolutely dark for us nowadays, although we sometimes keep their practice today too, but usually we do it without knowing their origin or meaning.

  • We continue to be governed by the calendar of Julius Caesar

    The calendar is a necessary tool to organize time in relation to agricultural activities, to religious obligations and to social and civil life.

    Our calendar currently is twelve months and 365 days a year. Any careful reader, however, may have wondered why the "twelfth" month is called "December," word rather means "tenth." The questions multiply if we observe that the eleventh is called "November",  related word  to "novem = nine ', the tenth is called" October, related word to " octo” = eight', the ninth is called "September "obviously related word to " septem = seven '.

    There is therefore a mismatch between the name of the months and their order on the calendar. This confusion increases if we know that the month of August was called at the time "Sextilis = the sixth"  and June was called "Quintilis = fifth".

    The explanation is that on the early history of Rome the year began in March and the year had  ten months. From this premise, the names of the Roman months corresponded with their order.

    But the story of the calendar is really complicated and interesting. We will outline some data. When organizing the cycle of time man has in mind the number of days it takes the earth to circle the sun. They are more than 365 days; 365.25 approximately. But it also takes into account the phases of the moon, that we see full of light or on increasing or decreasing phases.

    Rome had throughout its history two lunar calendars l and one solar. So somehow coexist lunar calendar and solar. As well the cycles are not measured with pinpoint accuracy, are accumulated errors and diversions on  the annual cycle; the errors become huge. This forced repeatedly to reform the calendar to upgrade to astronomical reality.

    According to the mythical history was Romulus, the founder of Rome in 753 BC, who made  also the calendar, lunar  at that time. The year began in March, the month in which also began farming tasks and military campaigns. The year was 304 days in ten months.

    It was necessary to reform, that the mythic tradition attributed to King Numa, who ruled from 715 to 673 BC, but probably corresponds to the middle of V century BC. At this time, are added two more months, while previously it was not relevant to form the calendar. The year was 355 days in 12 lunar months. The Pontifex Maximus added  the intercalary month every two years; its duration was fixed at 20 days, to catch up with the so-called "tropical year" or sidereal year, the time it takes the Earth to revolve around the Sun

    However, for various reasons there was a important lag. In time of Julius Caesar (100 BC-44 BC) confusion between certain celebrations and the time according to the current schedule was huge.
    Caesar was in Egypt with the famous Queen Cleopatra; from her  probably had his son Caesarion. There he met the solar calendar and understood the utility that its use could have. According to Suetonius, advised Sosigenes, philosopher and astronomer of Alexandria, who had set the solar year of 365 days and six hours, that is, with a very small error of less than one second per day. It is this accuracy that still amazes us considering scientific instruments which then possessed.

    Caesar made the necessary adjustments and imposed accordingly solar calendar of 365 days a year, inserting an extra day every four years. From the magnitude of reform gives us an idea that in the year 44 BC were inserted  90 days and this year was 455 days.

    This calendar, quite logically called "Julian" is basically still used today and has been imposed in most of the world.

    Pope Gregory XIII reformed again the calendar by liturgical reasons in 1582, so that Easter would be celebrated on the Sunday following the full moon after the spring equinox, as was ruled by the Council of Nicaea in AD 325. The gap with the tropical year had accumulated approximately 10 days then. That reform is called "Gregorian".

    But the mismatch continues to exist because the tropical year actually lasts 365.242189, it is, 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes and 45.16 seconds; that is equivalent to about 1 day every 128 years . So continuing need for new reforms.

    Perhaps this article certainly seems complex. Not so in reality compared to the many details and clarifications to which the interested reader can get to delve into these issues.
     

  • Aut insanit homo aut versus facit Either the man is crazy, or he’s writing poetry

    “Aut insanit homo aut versus facit” is one of many “topics” of the Latin poet Horace Quintus Flaccus; topic in the etymological sense of “place”, passage appointment, from Greek τόπος. The verse, become “maxima”, sentence, is quoted by many people in a variety of contexts.

    The sentence appears in his Satires, Bk. II, 7, v, 117. Known is the ease with which ancient authors, in particular Horace, create phrases and round sentences, pregnant with meaning, which soon escape the initial "text", (tissue),  and acquire a long land autonomous ife.

    Horace is the author of sentences (and some have said on this blog) such as:

    – takes the opportunity "Carpe diem" (Odes, Bk. I, 11.8), https://www.antiquitatem.com/en/carpe-diem-horace-poetry-epicureism

    Conquered Greece took captive her savage conqueror and brought her arts into rustic Latium. Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio. (Book II, epistle 1, lines 156-157.) https://www.antiquitatem.com/en/graecia-capta-greek-culture-quignard

    It is sweet and honorable to die for the fatherland "Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." (Odes, 3,2,13)

    Golden Mean in verses "Auream quisquis mediocritatem / diligit" (Anyone who chooses the golden Mean … "(Odes, II,10,5-6)

    – And many more …

    When the phrase takes its autonomy, are speakers who of it are served, who fill  content and nuances that sometimes have little to do with its original meaning. This could be the case in view of the use of the phrase make hundreds and even thousands people. So I'm going to let a little exploration of the question.

    Horace is one of the few people, least literate, who with enviable sense of humor and remarkable maturity, is presented to your readers with all his little faults and defects, such as he is. This takes advantage of the annual festivals of Saturnalia when in the Roman society that was reversed the established social order. During those days the slaves were the lords and the lords endured the insolence of slaves, who even wore their own clothes. In those days, feeling free, they could go to their "dominus" in inadmissible terms  at another time. (the subject is really interesting from a sociological, ethnological and psychological standpoint, although this is not the time).

    Well, this is what Davus, the slave of Horace makes, with his master, whom among other niceties called fickle and capricious (if he is in Rome he wants to go to the field, if he is in the field he wants to go to  Rome ), servile with whom him invits, glutton, drunk, sleepy, lazy,  illegaly slave of married women, slave of many more, etc. (Basically what Horace is saying us by mouth of a slave is that the only truly free man is the wise man and not the fool, the variable and dependent of thousand whims, some dangerous) Well, after this long string, the poet no longer supports such boldness and says angrily:

    Horace: Where I have a stone?
    Davus: What do you need?
    Horace: Where are the arrows?
    Davus: Either  this man is  crazy, or he's writing poetry
    Horace: If you do not outta here in a hurry, you will serve ninth-worker on my farm
                      Sabina.

    (Working in the field (on the farm of Sabina) was considerably harder than serve in the house of the Lord)

    Horatius:  unde mihi lapidem?                             
    Davus:   quorsum est opus?                                 
    Horatius: unde sagitas?
    Davus  aut insanit homo aut versus facit  /     
    Horatius: ocius hinc te ni rapis, accedes opera agro nona Sabino    
     

    Well, the meaning in context seems clear and initially limited to a single event. But you must know that Horace has used a very important contextual detail, also for the future of the sentence. Actually he is relating the "insanity" of the poet with the common opinion that the ancient poets are caught incidentally by "furor poeticus", by "divine inspiration", by  certain madness that notes  and separates away from ordinary mortals .

    Horace himself disagrees in his Epistula ad Pisones 295-97 with Democritus, which required some madness from  poets, while Horace calls the demanding job of polishing and correction:

    Because Democritus believes that natural talent
    is luckier than the poor technical
    and excludes the healthy poets
    (who are not crazy) from Helicon.

    (Note: the Helicon is a mountain near the Parnassus dedicated to the god Apollo and the Muses)

    Ingenium misera quia fortunatius arte
    Credit et excludit sanos Helicone poetas
    Democritus,…

    Let’s us recall also how the word "carmen" means "poem, verse" but also "spell, song, singing and enchantment, prophecy, prediction, magic potion, formula religious, moral judgment …".

    Also "poet", from  Greek  ποιητής, "poietés", is the creator, author, manufacturer, maker, poet (maker of verses) is also called  on Latin "vates”, “seer", prophet, poet inspired by the gods (in fact, the Vatican is the hill of the “vaticinia”, the"predictions" or prophecies as says an etymology that all do not admit, let's be precise, but that seems plausible).

    This feature of the poet as a special individual in the community touched by the gods has gone through the Middle Ages, Modern (remember to Cervantes and his reference to poetry as "the grace that would not give me the sky"), and contemporary and on somewhat way has come to our days.

    The poet is still seen as a "madman" or insanus, not dangerous (sometimes he is or can be), by the way, but as a person fortunate by the  gods or by mother nature, able to penetrate thing or feeling the reality more deeply  than ordinary mortals.

    Perhaps in some cases  someone charges with higher pejorative  content the adjective "insanus" crazy, caught, taken perhaps by the envy of someone who is better equipped to perceive and express their feelings.

    Do not quite understand the absolute widespread meaning of the sentence, which accurately applied  would disqualify  the vast majority of humans, who nor do verses certainly or  have any ability to do them  if they wanted.

    Maybe we could admit some generalization in the sense that it is sheer madness for humanity reduce the life of the people to an exclusive concern with economic issues. Those who so live are crazy, they are not healthy, that's what the term itself means in-(negative preverb) sanus.

    The alternative to this state of human alienation, of course, is poetry, at least a little poetry, in the sense of feeling and enjoy a full of feelings life, of nuances and experiences. In this task is essential the education of people, comprehensive education and not education for competitiveness.

    But this was certainly not the sense that Horace gave his famous verse, although we agree to use it and we like to expand its meaning.

  • Androcles and the grateful Lion

    Androcles and the Lion is a famous story that has enchanted the interest of many people from antiquity to the present day.

    This is the story, folk tale probably, about an  slave, Androcles, who fled from his master, finds a lion in the desert, the lion does not attack him, as we might expect. When  Androcles is  approached to animal,  lion shows  paw and Androcles sees that lion  has a thorn that prevents him from walking and left him very weak. Androcles removes the thorn from her leg and moves on. Many years later Androcles and the lion found themselves  in Rome, now in the amphitheater in that the slave is thrown to be devoured by wild beasts. When the lion comes to the arena, against all odds does not  devour  Androcles but approaches him docile; he is the lion whom  Androcles extracted the thorn and saved him from certain death;  grateful now, the lion corresponds  saving his life, because  the people informed about history  demands the salvation of Androcles and the lion.

    The story, the tale, that  some people turns without any need in a fable attributed to Aesop,   like many others fables, has been repeated as an example of the virtue of gratitude against ingratitude. Phaedrus, of course, not included these among the fables of Aesop in his Latin translation.

    The story is told by the first time in a written text of Aulus Gellius (he lived in the second century AD), in his Noctes Atticae, V, 14. Aulus Gellius   puts the history into the mouth of  Apion, who says he personally saw the incident.

    Most likely the event was an invention of Apion, although inspired by the reality of the "venationes" or hunts  celebrated by Romans in the amphitheater among other bloody spectacles.

    It is this issue of venationes an issue to that sometimes some writers have devoted their attention. Martial, of course, makes numerous references  precisely in his Liber spectaculorum.

    Probably  Apion observed in some real games how a lion saved the life of one of their caregivers, as Seneca tells us in De beneficiis, 2.19.

    Leonem in amphitheatro spectauimus, qui unum e bestiariis agnitum, quum quondam eius fuisset magister, protexit ab impetu bestiarum.

    We saw in the amphitheater  a lion who protected of attack of the beasts  one of the caretakers whom  he recognized because he had once been his own.

    And it was inspired, picking up a traditional story that was probably  circulating in ancient Egypt.

    Claudius Aelian (ca. 175-ca 235), Roman orator and teacher who wrote in Greek, tells the story of Androcles in his De Natura Animalium, 7, 48; I give just the beginning of his text, in the Latin version, almost identical to these of Aulus Gellius that I will reproduce then:

    Having escaped from the house of a Roman senator a slave named Androcles because he had committed a serious crime (do not know what actually was) and having come to Africa …

    Cum a senatore Romano servus, cui nomen Androcles erat, aufugisset, quia facinus quodpiam nefarium (id vero quale fuerit ignoro) admisisset, et in Africam venisset,…( Latin version of the Greek text of De Natura Animalium Claudii Aeliani a Friderico Jacobs editi apud Fridericum Fromannum, Jenae, MDCCCXXXII).

    Then the topic of "the grateful Lion" was repeated during the Middle Ages, for example, Ademar of Chabannes tells it in the eleventh century, Chrétien de Troyes writes the novel  Yvain the Knight of the Lion  in which the knight helps a lion and then the lion, who remains at his side, is an example of honor and friendship.

    And in  legends of life of saints like St. Gerasimos and  St. Jerome who also extracted a thorn from the paw of a lion so domesticated, etc..

    In the XV, XVI, XVII century Aulus Gellius had a great success in Europe. In 1484 William Caxton translated into English a codex Latin in which was the fable  "Of the lyon & of the Pastour". Montaigne (1533-1592) in his Essays also tells  the story of the lion and the Slave.

    A similar episode tells  Diaz de Guzman in his chronicles referred to Isabel de Guevara (1556), female character present at the creation of Buenos Aires. Isabel, desperate hunger, left the fort of Buenos Aires and took refuge in the cave of a lioness which  helped give birth. The Indians captured her and one made her his wife. Retrieved later by the Spanish, was sentenced to be tied to a tree and to be served as  food to the beasts as a warning, but the lioness protected her and the soldiers also forgave her.

    Even a reflection of the episode could be seen in Chapter XVII of the second part of Don Quixote, in the adventure of the lions, which were opened the cage but did not attack .

    More obviously Francisco de Quevedo in his "Virtue activist (against the four pests in the world: envy, ingratitude, arrogance and greed" for criticizing ingratitude uses the medieval topic of eternally grateful lion  because it was  released from a thorn, the fable of Androcles and the Lion, as saying attributed to Aesop. Says Quevedo:

    Very fierce is the lion, and  paid most liberal to extract  a thorn from footl
    because  give life to which cleared it.

    Modernly is famous a play of  Bernard Shaw titled precisely   “Androcles and the Lion”, in which the English author is really quirky and humorous way about the origins of Christianity and persecution of Christians, all loosely history. In his play Androcles is a Christian brought to the Coliseum.

    In 1952 was made a famous movie in the U.S. precisely based on the work of Bernard Show, directed by Chester Erskine.

    Aulus Gellius Noctes and Atticae, miscellaneous of endless and futile inconsequential issues, has generated great appeal among many contemporary writers such as Arturo Capdevila Argentine poet (1889-1967) who has a famous poem entitled precisely "Aulus Gellius", Borges, Cortazar and  Bioy Casares.

    Interestingly, the Sicilian writer of a peculiar crime novel set in the island, Andrea Camilleri, sits an episode of their hero Montalbano  in this story of Androcles and the Lion in an episode titled "What Aulus Gellius told" in his book "A  month  whit Montalbano" as a tribute to Vázquez Montalbán.

    I myself read the story in my childhood  probably  in some uplifting stories books;  naturally Androcles was a Christian thrown to the beasts.

    Although the story of Gellius, Noctes Atticae, V, 14 is a bit long, I transcribe it integer and so  the  reader has direct knowledge of the source:

    Androcles and the lion.

    The account of Apion, a learned man who was surnamed Plistonices, of the mutual recognition, due to old acquaintance, that he had witnessed at Rome between a man and a lion . . .

    APION, who was called Plistonices, was a man widely versed in letters, and possessing an extensive and varied knowledge of things Greek. In his works, which are recognized as of no little repute, is contained an account of almost all the remarkable things which are to be seen and heard in Egypt. Now, in his account of what he professes either to have heard or read he is perhaps too verbose through a reprehensible love of display—for he is a great self-advertiser in parading his learning; but this incident, which he describes in the fifth book of his Wonders of Egypt,  he declares that he neither heard nor read, but saw himself with his own eyes in the city of Rome.
    “In the Great Circus,” he says, “a battle with wild beasts on a grand scale was being exhibited to the people. Of that spectacle, since I chanced to be in Rome, I was,” he says, “an eye-witness. There were there many savage wild beasts, brutes remarkable for their huge size, and all of uncommon appearance or unusual ferocity. But beyond all others,” says he, “did the vast size of the lions excite wonder, and one of these in particular surpassed all the rest. This one lion had drawn to himself the attention and eyes of all because of the activity and huge size of his body, his terrific and deep roar, the development of his muscles, and the mane streaming over his shoulders. There was brought in, among many others who had been condemned to fight with the wild beasts, the slave of an ex-consul; the slave's name was Androclus. When that lion saw him from a distance,” says Apion, “he stopped short as if in amazement, and then approached the man slowly and quietly, as if he recognized him. Then, wagging his tail in a mild and caressing way, after the manner and fashion of fawning dogs, he came close to the man, who was now half dead from fright, and gently licked his feet and hands. The man Androclus, while submitting to the caresses of so fierce a beast, regained his lost courage and gradually turned his eyes to look at the lion. Then,” says Apion, “you might have seen man and lion exchange joyful greetings, as if they had recognized each other.”
    He says that at this sight, so truly astonishing, the people broke out into mighty shouts; and Gaius Caesar called Androclus to him and inquired the reason why that fiercest of lions had spared him alone. Then Androclus related a strange and  surprising story. “My master,” said he, “was governing Africa with proconsular authority. While there, I was forced by his undeserved and daily floggings to run away, and that my hiding-places might be safer from my master, the ruler of that country, I took refuge in lonely plains and deserts, intending, if food should fail me, to seek death in some form. Then,” said he, “when the midday sun was fierce and scorching, finding a remote and secluded cavern, I entered it, and hid myself. Not long afterwards this lion came to the same cave with one paw lame and bleeding, making known by groans and moans the torturing pain of his wound.” And then, at the first sight of the approaching lion, Androclus said that his mind was overwhelmed with fear and dread. “But when the lion,” said he,“had entered what was evidently his own lair, and saw me cowering at a distance, he approached me mildly and gently, and lifting up his foot, was evidently showing it to me and holding it out as if to ask for help. Then,” said he, “I drew out a huge splinter that was embedded in the sole of the foot, squeezed out the pus that had formed in the interior of the wound, wiped away the blood, and dried it thoroughly, being now free from any great feeling of fear. Then, relieved by that attention and treatment of mine, the lion, putting his paw in my hand, lay down and went to sleep, and for three whole years from that day the lion and I lived in the same cave, and on the same food as well. For he used to bring for me to the cave the choicest parts of the game which he took in hunting, which I, having no means of making a fire, dried in the noonday sun and ate. But,” said he, “after I had finally grown tired of that wild ”  life, I left the cave when the lion had gone off to hunt, and after travelling nearly three days, I was seen and caught by some soldiers and taken from Africa to Rome to my master. He at once had me condemned to death by being thrown to the wild beasts. But,” said he, “I perceive that this lion was also captured, after I left him, and that he is now requiting me for my kindness and my cure of him.”
    Apion records that Androclus told this story, and that when it had been made known to the people by being written out in full on a tablet and carried about the Circus, at the request of all Androclus was freed, acquitted and presented with the lion by vote of the people. “Afterwards,” said he, “we used to see Androclus with the lion, attached to a slender leash, making the rounds of the shops throughout the city; Androclus was given money, the lion was sprinkled with flowers, and everyone who met them anywhere exclaimed: 'This is the lion that was a man's friend, this is the man who was physician to a lion.'
    ” (The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. With An English Translation. John C. Rolfe. Cambridge. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1927.)

    Quod Apion, doctus homo, qui Plistonices appellatus est, vidisse se Romae scripsit recognitionem inter sese mutuam ex vetere notitia hominis et leonis …

    APION, qui Plistonices appellatus est, litteris homo multis praeditus rerumque Graecarum plurima atque varia scientia fuit. Eius libri non incelebres feruntur, quibus omnium ferme quae mirifica in Aegypto visuntur audiunturque historia comprehenditur. Sed in his quae vel audisse vel legisse sese dicit, fortassean vitio studioque ostentationis sit loquacior—est enim sane quam in praedicandis doctrinis sui venditator—hoc autem,  quod in libro Aegyptiacorum quinto scripsit, neque audisse neque legisse, sed ipsum sese in urbe Roma vidisse oculis suis confirmat.
    “In Circo Maximo,” inquit, “venationis amplissimae pugna populo dabatur. Eius rei, Romae cum forte essem, spectator,” inquit, “fui. Multae ibi saevientes ferae, magnitudines bestiarum excellentes omniumque invisitata aut forma erat aut ferocia. Sed praeter alia omnia leonum,” inquit, “  immanitas admirationi fuit praeterque omnis ceteros unus.  Is unus leo corporis impetu et vastitudine terrificoque fremitu et sonoro, toris comisque cervicum fluctuantibus, animos oculosque omnium in sese converterat. Introductus erat inter compluris ceteros ad pugnam bestiarum datos servus viri consularis; ei servo Androclus nomen fuit. Hunc ille leo ubi vidit procul, repente,” inquit, “quasi admirans stetit ac deinde sensim atque placide, tamquam noscitabundus, ad hominem accedit. tum caudam more atque ritu adulantium canum clementer et blande movet hominisque se corpori adiungit cruraque eius et manus, prope iam exanimati metu, lingua leniter demulcet. Homo Androclus inter illa tam atrocis ferae blandimenta amissum animum recuperat, paulatim oculos ad contuendum leonem refert. Tum quasi mutua recognitione facta laetos,” inquit, “et gratulabundos videres hominem et leonem.”
    Ea re prorsus tam admirabili maximos populi clamores excitatos dicit, accersitumque a C. Caesare Androclum quaesitamque causam cur illi atrocissimus leo uni parsisset. Ibi Androclus rem mirificam narrat atque admirandam. “Cum provinciam,” inquit, “Africam proconsulari imperio meus dominus obtineret, ego ibi iniquis eius et cotidianis verberibus ad fugam sum coactus et, ut mihi a domino, terrae illius praeside, tutiores latebrae forent, in camporum et arenarum solitudines concessi ac, si defuisset cibus, consilium fuit mortem aliquo pacto quaerere. Tum sole medio,” inquit, “rabido et flagranti specum quandam nanctus remotam latebrosamque, in eam me penetro et recondo. Neque multo post ad eandem specum venit hic leo, debili uno et cruento pede, gemitus edens et murmura, dolorem cruciatumque vulneris commiserantia.” Atque illic primo quidem conspectu advenientis leonis territum sibi et pavefactum animum dixit. “Sed postquam introgressus,” inquit, “leo, uti re ipsa apparuit, in habitaculum illud suum, videt me procul delitescentem, mitis et mansues accessit et sublatum pedem ostendere mihi et porgere quasi opis petendae gratia visus est. Ibi,” inquit, “ego stirpem ingentem, vestigio pedis eius haerentem, revelli conceptamque saniem volnere intimo expressi accuratiusque sine magna iam formidine siccavi penitus atque detersi cruorem. Illa tunc mea opera et medella levatus, pede in manibus meis posito, recubuit et quievit atque ex eo  die triennium totum ego et leo in eadem specu eodemque et victu viximus.  Nam, quas venabatur feras, membra opimiora ad specum mihi subgerebat, quae ego, ignis copiam non habens, meridiano sole torrens edebam. Sed ubi me,” inquit, “vitae illius ”  ferinae iam pertaesum est, leone in venatum profecto, reliqui specum et viam ferme tridui permensus a militibus visus adprehensusque sum et ad dominum ex Africa Romam deductus. Is me statim rei capitalis damnandum dandumque ad bestias curavit.  Intellego autem,” inquit, “hunc quoque leonem, me tunc separato captum, gratiam mihi nunc beneficii et medicinae referre.”
    Haec Apion dixisse Androclum tradit, eaque omnia scripta circumlataque tabula populo declarata, atque ideo cunctis petentibus dimissum Androclum et poena solutum leonemque ei suffragiis populi donatum. “Postea,” inquit, “videbamus Androclum et leonem, loro tenui revinctum, urbe tota circum tabernas ire, donari aere Androclum, floribus spargi leonem, omnes ubique obvios dicere: ' Hic est leo hospes hominis, hic est homo medicus leonis.'”

  • The ox as a monetary standard

    At some point in the hominids’ evolution must appear the goods exchange or barter. This so simple and straightforward system can be used even today for exceptional trade operations, but certainly it would be very cumbersome for the development of an economy with large trade or huge commercial exchanges. It was necessary then to find a valuation system based on a pattern or unit. That is, it was necessary to invent the money, the coins and the currency and this happened in the Bronze Age, in the second millennium BC.

    At some point in the hominids’ evolution must appear the goods exchange or barter. This so simple and straightforward system can be used even today for exceptional trade operations, but certainly it would be very cumbersome for the development of an economy with large trade or huge commercial exchanges. It was necessary then to find a valuation system based on a pattern or unit. That is, it was necessary to invent the money, the coins and the currency and this happened in the Bronze Age, in the second millennium BC.

    Among livestock people, such as Indo-European Greek or Latin people, the first pattern or barter unit was undoubtedly the cattle, the ox, which was also the valuable animal as an offering for sacrifice and thus perhaps it became a reference for exchange. This was the case with the Greeks of the heroic age, as Homer reflects in Iliad, VI, 234-236:

                     Then Zeus Cronida made  Glaucus lose his mind,
                     who exchanged his weapons with the Tidida  Diomedes,
            gold by bronze, ones that were worth a hundred oxen by others being worth nine.

                   ἔνθ᾽ αὖτε Γλαύκωι Κρονίδης φρένας ἐξέλετο Ζεύς,
              ὃς πρὸς Τυδεΐδην Διομήδεα τεύχε᾽ ἄμειβε
                 χρύσεα χαλκείων, ἑκατόμβοι᾽ ἐννεαβοίων.

    Pliny says in Naturalis History 33 (3) 7:

    Some, he tells us (Homer), would make their purchases by bartering ox-hides, and others by bartering iron or the spoil which they had taken from the enemy: and yet he himself, already an admirer of gold, was so far aware of the relative value of things, that Glaucus, he informs us, exchanged his arms of gold, valued at one hundred oxen, for those of Diomedes, which were worth but nine. Proceeding upon the same system of barter, many of the fines imposed by ancient laws, at Rome even, were levied in cattle, [and not in money]. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A., Ed.

    alios coriis boum, alios ferro captivisque res emptitasse tradit. quare, quamquam ipse iam mirator auri, pecore aestimationes rerum ita fecit, ut C boum arma aurea permutasse Glaucum diceret cum Diomedis armis VIIII boum ex qua consuetudine multa legum antiquarum pecore constat etiam Romae.

    Or in Iliad, XXIII, 705
                              
                                The Pelida deposited the third set of awards immediately
                                for the rough fight, after having exhibited them to the Danaans:
                                for the winner a large tripod to put the fire,
                                valued at the price of twelve oxen by the achaeans each other
                                and for the loser he stood up a woman at the center
                                skilled in many tasks, who was priced in four oxen.


                                Πηλεΐδης δ᾽ αἶψ᾽ ἄλλα κατὰ τρίτα θῆκεν ἄεθλα
                                δεικνύμενος Δαναοῖσι παλαισμοσύνης ἀλεγεινῆς,
                               τῶι μὲν νικήσαντι μέγαν τρίποδ᾽ ἐμπυριβήτην,
                               τὸν δὲ δυωδεκάβοιον ἐνὶ σφίσι τῖον Ἀχαιοί·
                              ἀνδρὶ δὲ νικηθέντι γυναῖκ᾽ ἐς μέσσον ἔθηκε,
                               πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐπίστατο ἔργα, τίον δέ ἑ τεσσαράβοιον.

    (Even today among some Asian and African people the bride´s price is set according to heads of livestock, whether beef cattle, camels or any other …)

    The currency, as we use it today, appeared probably in Lydia or the Asiatic Greece in the seventh century BC.

    Among the Latin people the reminiscences of their relationship with livestock are obvious. The word " pecus, – oris " means cattle, flock, herd; from pecus derives pecunia which in principle means wealth, fortune, because according to Festus in the Antiquity the fortune consisted on cattle; it also means coin, money without requiring further explanation .

    Interestingly the first coins of copper or metal, remarkable progress at the time, were simple very heavy metal bullion (the one that appears in the illustration measuring 24 x 18 cm), sometimes in the form of an ox-hide, called " aes rude = raw as, no coined "and then, perhaps in the V century BC, coined with the printed figure of an ox or bull (aes signatum). The figure of a sheep or pig sometimes appears printed on them.

    Later, coins that kept showing the figure of an ox or bull on the reverse were very common.

    From pecunia derives pecuniary, from the Latin pecuniarius which means "belonging or relating to cash" according to the Royal Spanish Academy.

    From pecunia also comes peculium, from the Latin peculium, which means, also according to the RAE, "Finance, volume or fortune the father or lord allowed the son or servant to take for their own use and trade and then, by extension, money each one has particularly, whether or not he is a family child”. Its source is naturally in the part of the herd that the master allowed the slave or caretaker to take for his livelihood.

    Capital derives from capitalis and this one from caput, capitis (head), which in this economic context refers, of course, to the head of cattle; so to accumulate capital means to accumulate heads of cattle, that is, money.

    As it´s obvious from capital (capitalis in Latin) come other words such as capitalism, capitalist…so often used nowadays in the trade world and in an economic and ideological context.

    "Capitalis" in classical Latin refers also  to death penalties or crimes; with economic sense we find the classical Latin term “capitarium”, referring to the principal of a debt, rent or income.

    From the word capitalis also derives “caudal”, a Spanish word (before cabdal) = finance/ fortune, in English, which means, among other things, "Finance, assets or goods of any kind, and most commonly money”, according to the dictionary of the Royal Academy of the Spanish Language. And the word is used in this sense in the expression "safe, strongbox or safe-deposit box” (= box of “caudales” in Spanish).

    The word money, coin (“moneda” in Spanish) has a curious origin. In the republican Rome the money was coined in a dependency near the temple of Juno Moneta. Moneta was one of multiple determiners or names with which they (the Roman people) referred to the goddess Juno, the goddess Hera for the Greek people. Moneta means "the informant, the protector, the one who takes care of us, who warns us, who advises us"

    Look that this explains not only the origin of the Spanish word “moneda” (coin) but also the origin of the English word “money” (but as we will see next money is said “dinero” and not money in Spanish and its provenance has another different explanation).

    The term money (dinero, in Spanish) derives from denarius, (at the same time derived from the also Latin " deni " which means ten), silver Roman coin, imitation of Greek coins, that was started to be coined in 269 BC approximately, and that was equivalent to ten bronze coins called as.

    From "denarius” comes “dinar" which is the name of the monetary unit in many Arab countries.
    The study and art of collecting coins is called numismatics, word derived from the Latin numisma or nomisma, Latin transcription of the Greek νόμισμα, which literally means "moneda= coin", related to νόμος meaning usage, custom, law.

    Related to this world of the coin is the word ceca, mint, place, institution, workshop in which the coins are minted or coined, which comes from the Arabic " dar al- sikka " (mint, house of the coin).

    On another occasion we will discuss the Greek and Roman monetary systems.

  • Beati hispani quibus vivere est bibere. Felices los españoles para quienes vivir es beber

    Beati hispani quibus vivere est bibere se refiere al hecho de que en español las palabras “vivere” y “bibere” suenan exactamente iguales

    Es esta una frase latina graciosa que ha tenido notable éxito. Basa su fuerza o “vis” cómica en el hecho de que las palabras “vivere” y “bibere”  suenan exactamente iguales porque en la pronunciación hispana del latín no se diferencian los sonidos de [b]  y  [v] . Hay que conocer que en latín clásico la “v” sonaba  como “u”, es decir como la /w/ inglesa , y la “b” unas veces como labial oclusiva /b/ y otras como fricativa bilabial  sonora /v/, por lo que en aquel momento la confusión era imposible.

    Relacionada con ello, aunque distinta, es  la evolución fonética por la que por una parte la /b/  (oclusiva labial sonora) se convirtió en fricativa en posición intervocálica y por otra la semivocal /w/ (que era el sonido de la V o u) también se convierte en fricativa. Estos cambios fonéticos tendrían lugar ya en el siglo I de nuestra era. A esta coincidencia de /b/ y /v/ se le llama betacismo y es frecuente en la lengua de Oc (Occitania francesa), en castellano, en euskera, en gran parte del  catalán y del gallego y en el  portugués del norte; también ocurría en griego.

    Como consecuencia de todo ello la confusión ortográfica en el uso de  “b” y “v” es muy frecuente desde la Antigüedad, acentuándose en Hispania desde época visigótica y a lo largo de toda la Edad Media., aunque luego la etimología fijo la ortografía actual.

    Así en los manuscritos visigóticos es frecuente la  confusión gráfica entre “vivere y bibere. En las Glosas Emilianenses, considerado el documento más antiguo en castellano (no parecen merecer este título los textos más antiguos del monasterio de Valpuesta, en Alava) leemos “sanos et salbos” (del latín salvus) o alquandas beces (del latín vicis, veces,turno) o salbatore y serbitjio en la famosa glosa 89. Podíamos citar a Berceo o Verceo y su  “román paladino” "En qual suele el pueblo fablar a su beçino”  y otros muchos documentos.

    En los tiempos modernos el betacismo es una de las características principales del castellano y el gascón, euskera o vasco, si bien la etimología ha fijado la ortografía original, como decíamos.

    En el éxito de la frase que comentamos no es tampoco despreciable la idea, por lo demás, acientífica, de que los hispanos son o muy bebedores o son muchos los que beben, más que otros congéneres cercanos. No es infrecuente leer o escuchar noticias en las que, con sentido crítico bienintencionado o con idiota satisfacción de record,  se afirma que es España el país de la Unión Europea en el que más bares existen.

    La frase, tal cual se ha transcrito, es anónima o al menos no ha sido señalado el padre de la sentencia o dicho, pero su sentido o la agudeza que implica el relacionar vivir con beber vino es muy antigua. Sirva como prueba el hecho de que Ateneo, gramático, retórico y erudito griego que vivió en el siglo II de Cristo, en tiempos del emperador Marco Aurelio, en su obra “El banquete de los eruditos, 22F” cita un pasaje del autor teatral  Antífanes, que vivió entre el  408 y el 334 antes de Cristo, que dice así:

    El vivir, dime,
    ¿qué es? Yo digo que beber.

    Τὸ δὲ ζῆν, εἰπέ μοι,
    τί ἐστι; τὸ πίνειν φήμ´ ἐγώ.

    Ha habido quien sin fundamento alguno  ha adjudicado al poeta Marcial (Marcus Valerius Martialis) (40-104) , natural de Bilbilis, en las proximidades de la actual Calatayud, en la provincia de Zaragoza, el dístico siguiente:

    Haud temere  antiquas mutat Vasconia voces
    Cui nihil est  aliud vivere quam bibere

    Sin temor cambia las antiguas voces Vasconia
    para quien nada distinto es vivere
    (vivir) que bibere (beber)

    El origen hispano del poeta latino pareció, pues, suficiente para endosarle un verso que ni es suyo ni parece congruente con las intenciones satíricas del bilbilitano. Por lo demás, esta no sería razón suficiente, porque también los lusitanos la adaptan a su terruño y dicen de sí mismos:

    beati  Lusitani quibus vivere est bibere.
                                 o
    beati sunt Lusitani apud quos vivere est bibere

    Felices los Lusitanos (portugueses) para quienes vivere (vivir) es bibere (beber)

    Y algo parecido se dice de  los gascones, o vascos, los de una parte y otra de los Pirineos, a los que se refiere el impulsivo Julio Cesar Escalígero  y en cuya referencia está sin duda el origen más cercano de la dichosa frase, como veremos más adelante.

    Que el latín, aunque se escribía igual en todas partes, no se hablaba igual en el norte de Africa, en Hispania, en Asia o en Germania está perfectamente atestiguado desde muy antiguo, pero no tenemos constancia de que la identidad de sonido entre b y v en Hispania y en el sur de Francia fuera tan antigua. La frase parece reflejar, pues, la pronunciación medieval y renacentista.

    En cualquier caso, ya en la Antigüedad se hacían juegos de palabras entre “vivere” y “bibere”, sin que esto signifique que se pronunciaran igual. Sirva como ejemplo lo que Flavius Vopiscus, uno de los historiadores de la Historia Augusta, del siglo III, dice a propósito de Gallus Quintus Bonosus, que se autoproclamó emperador en el año 281 y  curiosamente había nacido en Hispania, aunque su padre era de Britania y su madre de la Galia,

    Bonosus nació en Hispania (fue de casa Hispana),  Britano de origen y de  
    madre Gala, como él mismo decía, hijo de un retor… fue general de la 
    frontera  Rética, bebió más que  ningún  otro hombre. De él decía Aureliano 
    muchas  veces:  no nació para vivir, sino para beber.

    Bonosus domo Hispaniensi fuit, origine Britannus, Galla tamen matre, ut 
    ipse dicebat, rhetoris filius, … dux limitis  Raetici fuit, bibit quantum  
    hominum  nemo.  de hoc Aurelianus saepe dicebat, "Non ut vivat natus est, 
    sed ut bibat
    ," Historiae Augustae, Flavius Vopiscus, Firmus Saturninus                                             Proculus et  Bonosus,  14, 1… y 3..)

    Por otra parte, y al margen de las cuestiones fonéticas también, hay cierta relación semántica éntre la “vida” y el “vino”, alimento tonificante del color de la sangre que da vida, que pudo facilitar el juego de palabras. No es ajeno a ello el uso del vino en ritos religiosos desde la más remota antigüedad.

    Pero ¿desde cuándo existe la confusión en los sonidos de tal forma que la “v” sonido [w] se confunde con el sonido [b]?.  En la península ibérica, entre los Gascones o vascos  el fenómenos parece remontase al menos a la época carolingia.

    De las dificultades que la diversa pronunciación del latín generaba y no sólo por la confusión hispana de la que estamos tratando, (en otra ocasión comentaremos este asunto) nos puede dar idea el hecho de que el gran humanista Erasmo de Rotterdam (1466-1536) dedique un tratado precisamente al tema  en 1528, el  De Recta latini graecique sermonis pronuntiatione  en el que dice referido al asunto:

    «Hic peccant et eruditi, vulgus autem, et qui vulgatam pronuntiationem non dedidicerunt, interdum pro b pronuntiant v consonans, et contra, ut vivit pro bibit, et bibit pro vivit. Id peculiare dicitur cuidam Hispaniarum regioni» .

    Aquí cometen falta también los eruditos, no sólo el vulgo, también quienes no desdeñaron la pronunciación vulgar y en cambio pronuncian como “b” la consonante “v” y al contrario,  cuando –dicen- “vivit” por “bibit” y “bibit” por “vivit”.  Esta peculiaridad se da en cierta región de las Españas.

    A  Erasmo se atribuye por parte de algunos la frase “ Felix natío, ubi vivere est bibere”, pero yo no lo tengo documentado. 

    Es posiblemente Escalígero, (1484-1558), un impulsivo humanista natural de Rocca di Riva, en el lago de Garda (Italia), enfrentado a Erasmo, a quien desprecia como latinista, el que afincado en Francia, (vivió y murió en Gascuña),  está en el origen de la frase

      “Beati hispani quibus vivere est bibere

    Este humanista en italiano se llamaba Giulio Cesare Scaligero o della Scala, en latín,  Julius Caesar Scaliger, en español Julio César Escalígero ; en Francia se hizo llamar Jules Cesar de l’Escale de Bordonis.

    Esta frase, tal cual, no se encuentra entre las obras de Escalígero, pero él mismo hace referencia a una consideración suya burlesca sobre la indiferencia con que los Gascones pronuncian la “b” y la “v”. Nos dice en su obra De causis linguae latinae libri XIII" (Lyon, 1540; Geneva, 1580, reimpreso en 1597), en el capítulo X, titulado Consonantium potestates : (pag. 17 en la edicón de 1540 y 21-22 en la de 1597).

    También este es un vicio peculiar de los Vascones, porque pronuncian la “B”   
    del  mismo   modo que decimos que lo hacen los griegos. Y por eso hicimos 
    sobre ellos (los Vascones) en un epigrama la broma de para ellos vivere  
    (
    vivir) es  bibere (beber).
                 
    Vasconibus quoque hoc est vitium peculiare, ut eo modo pronuncient  B quo et  
    Graecos dicimus. Itaque lusimus in eos (Vascones) epigrammate ut eorum 
    vivere bibere sit

    Ese epigrama, al que el propio  Escalígero hace referencia,  es el mismo que se atribuía a Marcial,  si bien con alguna pequeña modificación : non por haud , mutas por mutat

    Non temere  antiquas mutas, Vasconia, voces,
    Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere

    Y ciertamente, en su importante estudio sobre la poesía Poetices Libri Septem" (Geneva, 1561; Leyden, 1581; Heidelberg, 1607), encontramos el siguiente dístico….

    Non temere antiquas mutat Vasconia voces
    Cui nihil est aliud vivere quam bibere 

    Se encuentra en el Lib. III, pág.170 de la Edición Apud Ioannem Crispinum de 1561 y Pág..  432, de la 2ª edición, Apud Petrum Santandreanum, 1581)

    Indirectamente se refiere a la confusión fonética, porque  lo que dice exactamente es:

    Verum ut res aliae ex aliis suboriuntur, hilariora fiunt omnia ubi litterae 
    syllabaeve mutantur, quemadmodum nos…

     Ahora  bien, como unas cosas tienen su origen en otras, todas  se hacen 
      graciosas si se cambian las letras o las sílabas como -hice yo- …

    y a continuación viene el dístico citado.

    Así que propiamente no se encuentra en la obra de Escalígero la frase  exacta “Beati hispani…” ni “Beati  populi…..”. Muy probablemente algún discípulo, algún conocido  o lector de Escalígero, creó a partir de ese dístico la frase general 

    Beati populi quibus vivere est bibere”

    o la más concreta y limitada a Hispania

    Beati Hispani quibus viveres est bibere”, 

    repetida luego hasta la saciedad y adjudicada sin ninguna evidencia al citado Julio César Escaligero.

    Pero a él se le atribuye de manera frecuente. Asi Gilles Menage (1613-1692) en las Menagiana, en las que se hace referencia a un Recueil des poesies de Scligere. Cincuenta o sesenta años más tarde el abate Moreri en su gran Dictionnaire historique, Tomo V, París 1759, en el artículo referido a Gascogne  dice:

    Les habitants y prononcent l’V (sic) comme le B, et le B comme l’V; et c’est par cette raison que Scaliger, parlant des Gascons, a dit plaisamment “Flices populi quibus bibere est vivere”.

    Y el abate Pierre Adam d’Origny, en su Dictionnaire des origines, en el artículo Gascogne, presenta el dicho bajo la forma abreviada más frecuente (Paris 1777),

    L’habitude qu’il (les ancients Vascons) avaient apporté d’Espagne de confondre l'V et le B a fait dire a Scaliger: Felices populi quibus bibere est vivere”.

    Hasta Victor Hugo, aprovechando su estancia en Behobia dice:

    … me encuentro en el país donde pronuncian B en vez de V; ante
    lo que se extasiaba el borrachín de Scaliger: Felices populi -exclamaba-
    quibus vivere est bibere"

    Son numerosas también las citas de la frase en la que se adjudica su paternidad a Julio César, tal cual, al famoso Cayo Julio César de manera absolutamente injustificada. No hubiera sido mala paternidad ni de poca autoridad, pero me temo que tan craso error se debe exclusivamente a la confusión infantil del humanista Julio César Escalígero con el dictador Cayo Julio César, origen del Imperio romano, a los que tan sólo separan dieciséis siglos.

    Por lo demás existen numerosas variantes de esta frase, que en el fondo dicen lo mismo:

    Beati Hispani quibus vivere est bibere
    Beati Hispani quibus vivere bibere est               
    Beati Hispani quibus bibere vivere est          
    Beati Hispani, dum bibere dicunt vivere  
    O beati hispani, dum vivere dicunt bibere 

    También existen numerosas variantes  sustituyendo “beati” por “felices”. Así:

    Felix natio, ubi vivere est bibere , (que algunos se la adjudican a Erasmo, que probablemente tiene su origen en la frase de Lipsio que poco más abajo se comenta)

    O felix Iberia, ubi vivere est bibere   (concreción a España de la anterior)

    faelices populi quibus vivere bibere est” (frase que Manuel de Larramendi  (1690-1766), sacerdote y precursor del nacionalismo vasco, atribuye a Escalígero en su Diccionario trilingüe de  Castellano, Bascuence y Latín (1745).

    La única cita en sentido contrario, alabando la sobriedad de los españoles, corresponde a otro humanista, Justo Lipsio (1547-1606), preocupado también por la pronunciación del latín,  que  en su obra Dialogi de recta pronuntiatione Latinae Lingvae, Caput XII,( en la página . 35, Edición de 1599, Antverpiae, Ex officina  Plantiniana, Apud Ioannem Moretum) se refiere a la confusión de “b” y “v”  y dice:

    A los Hispanos y asimismo a los Vascones, que se suavizan y tuercen 
    hacia la V digamma, hombres sobrios y a quienes no agrada Bibere

    (Beber) sino Vivere (Vivir)

      «Et Hispanos itemque Vascones, qui emolliunt et ad V digamma 
       Torquent,  homines sobrii et quibus non placet Bibere sed Vivere
    »

    De ninguna manera habríamos de descartar a priori que sea precisamente Justo Lipsio (1547-1606) y no Escalígero quien esté en el origen de la frase motivo de este artículo. Nación  en Brabante, en los Paises Bajos españoles y por tanto no nos es ajeno el reivindicar su papel en la cuestión.

    Del éxito de la broma, tenga su origen en  Lipsio, Escalígero o venga desde la remota antigüedad adaptada en cada lugar a su realidad, como parece más probable,  nos da idea también la siguiente cita del Don Quijote de la Mancha, Segunda Parte, cap. XIIII, 27:

    Pero aunque se llenaran de capullos de seda, sepa, señor mío, que no 
    he de pelear: peleen nuestros amos, y allá se lo hayan, y bebamos y
    vivamos nosotros, que el tiempo tiene cuidado de quitarnos las vidas,
    sin que  andemos buscando apetites para que se acaben antes de
    llegar su sazón y  término y que se cayan de maduras.

    En resumen, la conexión conceptual entre vivir y beber es muy antigua;  la conexión entre los términos latinos  “vivere” y “bibere” también lo es; la frase “beati hispani quibus vivere est bibere” es creación del Humanismo renacentista.

  • What is an epigram?

    The word comes from the Latin epigramma, and this from the Greek ἐπίγραμμα (from ἐπί = on and γραμμα =, writing, letter), which means “inscription”. Its etymology refers to burial or votive inscriptions on stone or other material, naturally short

    Later this kind of poems was trying other matters and appointed a short poem, usually of amorous and  erotic theme, a kind of fictional recording. In the first century A.D. the subject matter is varied, especially satirical and social criticist.

    In this type of poetry  shines the Hispanic poet Marcus Valerius Martialis (40-104), born in Biblbilis  (near to the present Calatayud) . He wrote more than 1,500 epigrams, mostly in elegiac couplets (disticha)  (from  Gr. δί-, two-and στιχον, groove, verse, verse), then, two verses,  one  hexameter and one pentameter).

    Are well known these on erotic themes, sometimes obscene, but Martial  tried all subjects and aspects of the life and customs of Roman society. His work is  a document of great value to learn about various aspects of society and culture of century I in Rome.  Let's say that your issues can be sweet as honey (mel); satirical as gall (fel), acids such as vinegar (acetum), funny and witty as salt (salt). Are these comparisons which from antiquity have been used to define these little poems and their subjects.

    Thus, the epigram is a little poem which must have as characteristics identified by the old poets themselves as  Martial himself: brevity, softness and sweetness, wit, ngenuity, mockery, acidity and pungency

    Martial, himself, explains it on book 7, 25:

    Although the epigrams which you write are always sweetness itself and more spotless than a white-leaded skin, and although there is in them neither an atom of salt, nor a drop of bitter gall, yet you expect, foolish man, that they will be read. Why, not even food itself is pleasant, if it is wholly destitute of acid seasoning; nor is a face pleasing, which shows no dimples. Give children your honey-apples and luscious figs; the Chian fig, which has sharpness, pleases my taste. (Martial, Epigrams. Book 8. Bohn's Classical Library (1897))

    Dulcia cum tantum scribas  epigrammata semper
    et cerussata candidiora cute,
    nullaque mica salis nec amari fellis in illis
    gutta sit, o demens, vis tamen illa legi!
    Nec cibus ipse iuvat morsu fraudatus aceti,
    Nec grata est facies, cui gelasinus abest.
    Infanti melimela dato fatuasque mariscas:
    nam mihi, quae novit pungere, Chia sapit
    ."

    Well, the Spanish  Juan de Iriarte y Cisneros (Tenerife 1702 – Madrid 1771) was an important Latinist, Hellenist, bibliographer and poet with a huge work. Your favorite genre was the epigram and translated many of Marcial in verse, as well as other modern authors. He himself wrote many epigrams in Latin and theorized about the characteristics of these poems.

    This important character perfectly defines what is an epigram on a known little poem, epigram also naturally:

    Similar to Bee,
    For that cause pleasure,
    The Epigram must be:
    Small, sweet and sharp.


    A la Abeja semejante,
    Para que cause placer,
    El Epigrama ha de ser:
    Pequeño, dulce y punzante
    .

    These comparisons to define the epigram already were used in times of Martial. This epigram, which defines the essential characteristics of this literary genre (small, sweet and pungent or sharp) is well known by the reading public, better known by readers of any age than by the youngest of today, who barely memorize  a literary text. What few know, then and now, is the Latin version of the author himself (Iriarte), the number CCLXVI, which entitled Epigrammatis dotes  and it says:

                                              Sese ostendat Apem, si vult Epigramma placere:
                                               Insit ei brevitas, mel, et acumen Apis.

    The more literal translation of which reads as follows:

                  If the epigram wants to please, be revealed as a bee;
                  It has to shut soon, honey and bee sting.

    The same definition makes Martínez de la Rosa (1787-1862), poet, playwright and political liberal, somewhat later, in his Poetics, singing IV:

    Mas el festivo ingenio deba sólo
    al sutil epigrama su agudeza:
    un leve pensamiento,
    una voz, un equívoco le basta
    para lucir su gracia y su viveza;
    y cual rápida abeja, vuela, hiere,
    clava el aguijón y al punto muere

    "But the festive ingenuity should only
    alertness to the subtle epigram:
    a slight thought,
    one voice, one mistake is enough
    to show off their grace and vivacity;
    and quick as the bee, fly, wounds,
    stinger spikes and immediately dies
    "

    In fact, they are  these traditional definitions, requiring as "virtues" (a term more often than “dotes”, the "talent",  used by Iriarte) from the epigram, especially brevity and wit, to which some add the softness and sweetness, which is characteristic honey.

    We will post a few examples, drawn from the thousand and a half he wrote, to  so  the reader would be  encouraged to make a complete reading of his work. (Translation from  “Epigrams. Book 8. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)”)

    Book VIII, No. 14. 5–6.

    That your tender Cilician fruit trees may not suffer from frost, and that too keen a blast may not nip your young plants, glass frame-works, opposed to the wintry south winds, admit the sunshine and pure light of day without any detrimental admixture. But to me a cell is assigned with unglazed windows, in which not even Boreas himself would like to dwell. Is it thus, cruel man, that you would have your old friend live? I should be better sheltered as the companion of your trees.

    Pallida ne Cilicum timeant pomaria brumam
    Mordeat et tenerum fortior aura nemus,
    Hibernis obiecta notis specularia puros
    Admittunt soles et sine faece diem.
    At mihi cella datur, non tota clusa fenestra,
    In qua nec Boreas ipse manere velit.
    Sic habitare iubes veterem crudelis amicum
    Arboris ergo tuae tutior hospes ero.

    =======================================


       Book V, No. 9       
       I was indisposed; and you straightway came to see me, Symmachus, accompanied by a hundred of your pupils. A hundred hands, frozen by the northern blast, felt my pulse. I had not then an ague, Symmachus, but I have now.

    Languebam: sed tu comitatus protinus ad me
    venisti centum, Symmache, discipulis.
    Centum me tetigere manus aquilone gelatae:
    Non habui febrem, Symmache, nunc habeo.


                                          =====================
    Book III, No. 87

    Rumour says, Chione, that you have never had to do with man, and that nothing can be purer than yourself! And yet when you bathe, you veil not that part which you should veil. If you have any modesty, veil your face.

    Narrat  te, Chione, rumor numquam esse fututam
    atque nihil cunno purius esse tuo.
    Tecta tamen non hac, qua debes, parte lavaris:
    Si pudor est, transfer subligar in faciem.


                                                  ===========================
    Book III, No. 89

    Use lettuces, Phoebus, use laxative mallows; for you have a face like one suffering from constipation.

    Utere lactucis et mollibus utere malvis:
    nam faciem durum, Phoebe, cacantis habes.

                           ==========================

    Lib. I, 38

    The book which you are reading aloud is mine, Fidentinus,
    but, while you read it so badly, it begins to be yours.

    Quem recitas meus est, o Fidentine, libellus:
    Sed male cum recitas, incipit esse tuus.


                                                   ==========================
    Lib. I, 28

     

    Whoever believes it is of yesterday's wine that Acerra smells,
    is mistaken: Acerra always drinks till morning.

    Hesterno fetere mero qui credit Acerram,
    Fallitur: in lucem semper Acerra bibit.

                                                 ==========================

    Lib. I, 29

    Report says that you, Fidentinus, recite my compositions in public as if they were your own. If you allow them to be called mine, I will send you my verses gratis; if you wish them to be called yours, pray buy them, that they may be mine no longer.

    Fama refert nostros te, Fidentine, libellos
    Non aliter populo quam recitare tuos.
    Si mea vis dici, gratis tibi carmina mittam:
    Si dici tua vis, hoc eme, ne mea sint.

                                       ===========================
    Lib. II, 87

    You say, Sextus, that fair damsels are burning with love for you—–for you, who have the face of a man swimming under water!

    Dicis amore tui bellas ardere puellas,
    Qui faciem sub aqua, Sexte, natantis habes.

    And so till 1500 more…
     

  • All the boys and all the girls: κόρους τε ἅμα καὶ κόρας (kórous te áma kaì kóras), πάντ᾽ ἄνδρα καὶ γυναῖκα (pánt’ándra kaì gynaîka).

    One of the most important changes that has been originated in modern society, in Western society and worldwide is that of equality between men and women, full legal equality real and only partly in status or social function.

    This thankfully unstoppable trend is reflected on the language, which tries to avoid sexism or sexist connotation. In this attempt there is who uses both the article and other determinants in male and female forms  if the language has difference, as Spanish, or nouns in their own male and female forms if they had them (boys / girls, men / women ,…).

    We know that in the ancient world women play a limited role in society, usually secluded at home ((or part of the home, in the gynoecium, from Latin  gynaeceum  and this from Greek  γυναικεῖος and this from γυνή, gyné, which means woman) and limited their role to procreation and childcare and housekeeping. But this general idea should be qualified and well-known reality with some accuracy.

    Probably will surprise  modern readers some of the non-sexist linguistic formulas and many of the ideas  which Plato presents in his dialogues in them he designs his political system and a new ideal city, a new polis. He  does so it mainly in hisr dialogues Republc  and Laws.

    Among those ideas will not produce  the least astonishment  those related to education and the role that women should play in society. Let's read some of the things Plato says on Laws, (translated by Robert Gregg Bury):

    Athenian : …These examples it would well become the boys and girls  (…κόρους τε ἅμα καὶ κόρας…) to copy, and so cultivate the favor of the goddess, alike for service in war and for use at festivals. (Laws 796c)
         …………..
    Athenian:… and thus I say that every man and woman ought to pass through life in accordance with this character, playing at the noblest of pastimes, being otherwise minded than they now are. 

    Clinias:  How so?    (Laws 803c-803d)

       ………

    These formulas should not be surprised if what he is proposing is a based and equal education and function  for boys and girls. So says a little later:

    Athenian : …To pursue our subject,—we have described  buildings for public gymnasia as well as schools in three divisions within the city, and also in three divisions round about the City training-grounds and race-courses for horses, arranged for archery and other long-distance shooting, and for the teaching and practicing of the youth: if, however, our previous description of these was inadequate, let them now be described and legally regulated. In all these establishments there should reside teachers [804d] attracted by pay from abroad for each several subject, to instruct the pupils in all matters relating to war and to music; and no father shall either send his son as a pupil or keep him away from the training-school at his own sweet will, but every “man jack” of them all (as the saying goes) must, so far as possible, be compelled to be educated, inasmuch as they are children of the State even more than children of their parents. For females, too, my law will lay down the same regulations as for men, and training of an identical kind. [804e] I will unhesitatingly affirm that neither riding nor gymnastics, which are proper for men, are improper for women. I believe the old tales I have heard, and I know now of my own observation, that there are practically countless myriads of women called Sauromatides, in the district of  Pontus, upon whom equally with men is imposed the duty of handling bows and other weapons, [805a] as well as horses, and who practice it equally. In addition to this I allege the following argument. Since this state of things can exist, I affirm that the practice which at present prevails in our districts is a most irrational one—namely, that men and women should not all follow the same pursuits with one accord and with all their might. For thus from the same taxation and trouble there arises and exists half a State only instead of a whole one, in nearly every instance; yet surely this would be a surprising blunder [805b] for a lawgiver to commit.
    Clinias: So it would seem; yet truly a vast number of the things now mentioned, Stranger, are in conflict with our ordinary polities. ….
    Athenian: …but as it is, the man who rejects our law must try some other method, nor shall we be hereby precluded from asserting in our doctrine that the female sex [805d] must share with the male, to the greatest extent possible, both in education and in all else.
    (Laws, 804c- 805d).

    Note how the argument that only fools, including rulers, would do without half of the population and  would build half town instead of two cities is absolute and highly topical.

    Anyone who is curious about proposals so old and modern should read Plato's cited dialogues. Striking passages in them, similar to that, are numerous. Unfortunately when Plato failed to realize his ideal city proposed in Sicily and it gave him some bitterness and a good dose of realism, as it is reflected in the Laws and in the Republic.

    I delve into another time in these proposals of Plato, to which little attention indeed was done in ancient times, Middle Ages  and even sometimes in the Contemporary Ages.